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Ralph Winnie Jr. with the Mongolian President

Ralph Winnie Jr. with the Mongolian President

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Tuesday, June 29, 2010

Meeting with Congressman Geoff Davis and delegation from Beijing representing China Association for International Friendly Contact, 29 June 2010

On June 29, 2010. Ralph E. Winnie, Jr., Director of the Eurasia
Center's China Program and Vice-President of Global Business
Development for the Eurasian Business Coalition is pictured with
Congressman Geoff Davis (Ky-4th) and several members of the Beijing
delegation representing the China Association for International
Friendly Contact. Mr. Winnie, Jr. arranged for this delegation to meet
with several members of Congress to discuss US-China business
development as well as US foreign policy objectives and mutual
collaboration between China and United States on issues involving
international extremism, sectarianism and terrorism.



Friday, June 25, 2010

Russia's New Silicon Valley by Ralph Winnie, Jr.


http://www.divshare.com/download/18563473-bed

In an effort to boost Russia’s venture capital infrastructure and shift the Russian economy away from the oil and natural gas sector, Russian President Dmitri Medvedev has invested a tremendous
amount of political capital in pushing for the creation of a Russian high tech sector based on the
successful model of California’s Silicon Valley. President Medvedev echoes the new wave in Russian economic thinking that high tech is the quickest path to economic equality with the United States.


In advance of his trip to the United States, President Medvedev has
successfully lobbied many of the country’s billionaire elites to encourage
them to become supportive of innovative industries. The stated goal is for
Russia to attract billions of dollars in foreign direct investment , new
technologies and research and development in order to improve and
modernize Russia’s antiquated infrastructure and move the country away
from a commodity based system which has permeated the Russian
economy since 1991.

While several internationally renowned companies, like Cisco Systems and
Nokia, plan to take part in Russia’s “Silicon Valley” and the U.S. private
equity fund, Siguler Gruff, has agreed to invest $250 million in this high
tech park, many corporations and private equity firms,like Draper Fraser,
have openly expressed concerns regarding the age old stereotypes
confronting Russia. These include bribery, corruption and the method that
companies would be selected to be able to benefit from the incentives
claimed to be provided by this high tech zone.

Furthermore, another one of the major challenges that Medvedev will face
when selling the concept of Russia’s “Silicon Valley” to the United States,
is Russia’s lack of an abundance of research universities to ensure the
proper environment for start up companies to grow and develop. The
perception that the rule of law may be lacking in Russia and the
appearance of no effective and transparent legal framework for
businesses and investors are also additional hurdles that Medvedev may
have to overcome in the United States. The perception that the Russian
Government will steal technology and nationalize a successful start up
company is omnipresent in the minds of many American businessmen,
corporations and politicians alike.

Faced with this mentality in the United States, President Medvedev may
further be burdened by support among American venture capitalists for
the Start Up Visa Act of 2010 which is a new type of visa designed to
encourage foreign entrepreneurs and businesses to start companies in
the United States. If this new legislation passes Congress, a foreign born
businessmen would receive a two year visa if a qualified U.S. group of
investors (minimum amount of $100,000US in capital per investor)
contribute $250,000US into the start up venture of the entrepreneur in the
United States. After two years, this same entrepreneur would be allowed
permanent residency status upon proving that his business made $1
million US in revenue or created $1 million in foreign direct investment as
well as creating five full time jobs. Consequently, five of the ten U.S.
venture capital funds that recently travelled to Russia in May to tour the
high tech park have signed the “start up” visa support letter. This further
hampers Medvedev’s ability to attract foreign direct investment into Russia
at a critical time in its history.

Medvedev must clearly make the case in America that Russia’s “Silicon
Valley” will not be “overly hands on” and that the role of the Russian
government in matters involving the tech park would be limited to
infrastructure development and providing generous tax breaks and
various incentives , such as tax holidays, waiving of the corporate tax for a
fixed period of time and depreciation deductions on equipment. Medvedev
must also stress the fact that Russia has a strong history of excellence in
the scientific arena. He can point out that many of the high tech CEO’s
who have come to the United States and become very successful in
Silicon Valley were trained in Russian universities. Moscow State
University is known worldwide for its excellence in math and science and
has been referred to as the Harvard of Eastern Europe.

In response to criticisms that Russia has not developed a nationwide
network of technical universities, Medvedev can point out the successful
achievements of the MGU faculty and its student body. He can further
point to Russia’s successful efforts to integrate the scientific and technical
expertise of MGU graduates into high tech park which would serve to
convince many detractors that Russia is serious about its high tech
endeavors.

Furthermore, it would be wise for Medvedev to point out the advantage of
having a system of central planning in the high tech zone which would
make it easier to start up companies in Russia to receive zoning, financing
and tax breaks. Having the full support of the Russian government which
would closelymonitor the integration of the high tech zone with
technological innovation definitely goes along way in ensuring the
development and creation of the next Russian entrepreneur.

If Medvedev is unsuccessful in convincing the United States government
and American venture capitalists to invest in Russia’s “Silicon Valley”, the
People’s Republic of China would probably give serious consideration
towards encouraging their start up companies to invest in Russia’s high
tech zone. The Chinese have always viewed high tech as the quickest way
to achieve economic success and many projects under construction in
China have a high tech component.

China’s rapid growth and integration into the global economy represents a
major shift in the international global system which used to be dominated
by the United States and Western Europe. The opportunity for China and
Russia to develop a mutually collaborative business framework, with the
assistance of a plethora of research and development parks, heavily
influenced by China, would serve to enhance Russia’s reputation as a
global economic and political superpower. Recognition of Russia as a
superpower is something that President Medvedev expects from the West,
but he still has not received any acknowledgment or overt recognition to
that effect. Furthermore, while Medvedev fully expects the United States to
support Russia’s bid to join the WTO, he has repeatedly stated the
phrase,”Russia is fed up with being in the WTO waiting room” This
statement reflects years of frustration and anger on the part of many
leaders in Russia towards the United States who they sometimes view as
an arrogant hegemonist.

Consequently, China’s demands for oil and natural gas could easily be
satisfied through a collaborative business framework. Russia could
achieve its goal of becoming a player in the high tech world while China
gains political, regional and economic influence in Russia and Central Asia
as well as access to new markets for commodities.

In conclusion, the advent of a new high tech park in Russia’s “Silicon
Valley” presents many opportunities and challenges for President
Medvedev. If the United States decides to embrace the concept of a
Russian high tech park, it could allow Russia to emerge as a significant
ecnomic player in the world community with the advent of the next
generation of Russian entrepreneurs. However, suspicion and mistrust by
the United States towards Russia might encourage Medvedev to parter
with China which seeks to exert its own economic influence over Russia
and Central Asia.

Thursday, April 1, 2010

Introduction from Ralph Winnie Jr., Vice President of the Eurasia Center and


Ralph E. Winnie, Jr.

Washington, D.C.              T: 202-549-7928
                                         F: 202-237-1452


The Eurasia Center and its Eurasian Business Coalition is dedicated to promoting and preserving the ideas of affordable housing, economic cooperation, environmental sustainable development and the promotion of business development, tax and trade between the United States and the fifty nine nations comprising Eurasia.

As the Director of the Eurasian Business Coalition’s China Program, Ralph E. Winnie, Jr. was appointed by the Guangxi Investment Promotion Agency as Business Development Representative for North America. He has been responsible for the promotion of business development, tax and trade between Guangxi province in the People’s Republic of China and the United States. Ralph has worked directly with clients who wanted to do business in Guangxi province, arranging meetings with provincial government officials and the Guangxi Investment Promotion Agency who have assisted  him in helping to identify and locate potential Chinese joint venture partners for clients. Ralph E. Winnie, Jr. has also hosted high level delegations from Guangxi province in Washington, D.C. and organized a seminar for Guangxi government officials to meet with individuals and business leaders who had an interest in learning about business and cultural opportunities in China in September 2005 and December 2007.

Ralph E. Winnie, Jr. is responsible for advising domestic and foreign clients regarding international tax minimization strategies and joint venture partnerships in China. He has been a VIP guest of the Guangxi Investment Promotion Agency at the annual China-ASEAN Exposition in Nanning, negotiating and establishing relationships with potential Chinese business partners for firm clients.  Ralph has been interviewed and written up in the local Nanning Daily Press and has done live interviews with CCTV. Ralph E. Winnie, Jr. also works with various coalition and industry groups in Washington, D.C. such as the U.S. Asian Cultural Academy and Rotary International. He has published opinion editorials in Russia Now, an international supplement of the Washington Post, discussing a variety of topics related to current business trends and foreign policy issues dealing with China and Russia and his definitive article on Taxation of International Athletes appeared in Tax Notes International.

Finally, Ralph E. Winnie, Jr. has extensive experience and expertise dealing with members of Congress, U.S. agencies and foreign governments. His foreign governmental contacts are on the highest level, having reviewed an agreement between an Asian Government and the Government of the United States for the Avoidance of Double Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion with respect to taxes on income and capital. Ralph similarly assisted this same foreign governmental entity by developing relationships with members of Congress in an effort to locate medical equipment for the Army Hospital in that country.

              Ralph E. Winnie, Jr. received an LL.M. in Taxation from Georgetown University Law Center in 2002 and graduated magna cum laude from Jacob D. Fuchsberg Law Center in 1999. He is a member of the District of Columbia and New York Bars and is admitted to practice before the U.S. Supreme Court.  He studied international law at Oxford University (Magdalen College) in Oxford, the United Kingdom and Moscow State University in Moscow, Russia.

Wednesday, March 24, 2010

Article by Ralph Winnie, Jr., Contributing Editor of Washington Post and Russia Now on March 24th 2010



Last month, Oleg Rozhkov, the deputy director of the Russian Foreign Ministry’s security affairs and disarmament department, made it clear that Russia would only consider sanctions against Iran that are “directed at resolving nonproliferation questions linked to Iran’s nuclear program.” Rozhkov further mentioned to reporters in Moscow that “we are not going to work on sanctions or measures which could lead to the political or economic or financial isolation of this country.”

Since it is established that Iran holds 16 percent of the world’s gas reserves and 11 percent of the world’s oil reserves, Iran’s oil and gas sectors offer many opportunities for Russian investment, from government agencies down to private entrepreneurs. As Russia seeks to cultivate Iran and competes for influence in the Middle East, Iran and Russia have held high-level discussions on coordination of Iranian gas exports with Gazprom, Russia’s largest state-owned oil and gas conglomerate. Such a deal shuts the United States and Western Europe out of the competition for these increasingly valuable natural resources, and further encourages the development of a potential strategic alliance between Iran and Russia. However, Russia could become a major player in this region over the next several years by helping Iran to develop newer oil supplies and to increase the productivity of its older oil fields, assisting Iran in achieving its objective as an exporter of natural gas.

Consequently, to help its cash-strapped military and nuclear establishment, Russia has sold submarines and weapons to Iran and signed a contract to construct a civilian nuclear reactor in Bushehr, which was eventually sold for $800 million. This allowed Russia to cut a deal with Iran by promising to give them a favorable price on fuel if Iran would allow Russia to help build and improve infrastructure.

Since NATO’s decision to admit new Eastern European members, Russian hard-liners have consistently and successfully pressured the Russian government to respond by forming new alliances with Iran and emerging Third World countries. Furthermore, Russia subscribes to the belief that easing sanctions on oil and gas and allowing banking activities with Iran will serve to further Russia’s interest in the development of oil in the Caspian Sea, which would boost Russia’s exports to Asia and help to stabilize oil supplies and prices worldwide.

At a time when countries are competing among themselves to ensure more diverse and reliable sources of energy, Russia views Iran as a vehicle for the improvement of Russia’s economy, which deteriorated rapidly during the transition from the Soviet era to today’s quasi capitalism. Allowing a Russian company, like Gazprom, to coordinate petroleum exports in Iran reinforces Russia’s belief that Iran is verging on client status, whose continued cooperation is critical for stability in the Middle East and for the protection of Russian influence in that region. This attitude is reinforced by the attempt on the part of the United States to assist ex-Soviet states, which rely on Russian pipelines to export their oil and gas, to build oil and gas pipelines that are outside the control of Russia. Moscow believes this to be a deliberate attempt by the West to isolate and weaken Russia. Thus, the strategic relationship between Iran and Russia reinforces Russia’s economic interests.

As Russia and Iran together control over 20 percent of the world’s oil reserves and nearly half of the world’s gas reserves, a strong and viable strategic relationship, guided by mutually beneficial economic interests, may serve to prevent Iranian energy resources from falling into the hands of the United States and European consumers. At the same time, financing profitable projects, like Gazprom, will create a greater level of dependence by many Asian countries, including China, on Iran. This would greatly aid Russia in achieving its goal of once again becoming a global superpower by focusing on the areas of trade, investment and military capabilities in the Middle East.

Since sanctions on Iran have diminished expectations of Western investment in that country, American engagement, which has traditionally been very effective in allowing the private sector to invest in countries like Iran and make American products and ideas available, has no practical applicability toward changing the mindset of the hard-line fundamentalist regime. Shutting the United States out of the ability to develop Iran’s vast oil and gas reserves prevents the United States from being recognized as a geo-political player in this region and plays strongly in Russia’s favor. Unlike the United States, Russia chooses to focus on energy and economic interests, thereby creating a formidable strategic and economic relationship between Iran and Russia that might change the dynamics of the Middle East.

Monday, April 4, 2005

A Separate International Tax Regime for Nonresident Athletes by Ralph Winnie Jr.

Note: due to its length the full brief can be found at the link below (.pdf)

http://www.divshare.com/download/18575767-4e3


Ralph E. Winnie, Jr is

Director of China at the Eurasia Center and Vice President of GlobalBusiness Development for the Eurasian Business Coalition.




Athletes and entertainers are among the most
transient and mobile individuals in the international
community. The types of services performed on
a daily basis and the types of income generated from
theprovisionofthoseservicesarequitevarieddepending
on the nature and level of activity. Entertainers
and athletes travel the globe to work on movies and
television shows, perform in charity events, and participate
in and promote sporting events and competitions.
Consequently, as an entertainer or an athlete
becomes increasingly well known in the international
community, his income may not just be derived in his
country of residence but in other countries as well.
Therefore,thetiesasaresidenttoaparticularcountry
tend to lessen because those individuals may spend a
great deal of time abroad earning income in many
different countries. This article discusses: (1) the difficulty
in taxing nonresident athletes in the United
States, Canada, and Mexico; (2) the feasibility of a
separate tax regime for nonresident athletes; (3) the
difficulties faced by nonresident athletes in paying
taxes; (4) the characterization and allocation of the
income athletes receive; (5) the possible methods of
taxing athletes; and (6) a special income tax and
withholding tax regime for nonresident athletes.
Problems taxing performance-related bonuses
paid by some nations to their athletes during international
competitions illustrate how taxing athletes
in the source country can be difficult because of the
short stay and the lack of a strong nexus or ties with
that country. That problem came to the forefront just
before the start of the 2000 Olympic Games in
Sydney. The Australian Taxation Office originally
indicated that any athlete who picked up bonuses
from their national Olympic committees or sponsors
would be liable for tax in Australia because the
performances took place on Australian soil. However,
when Olympic athletes receive income while
performing in competitions, problems frequently
arise on how that income will be taxed. The payer,
either the national Olympic committee or a sponsor,
is not located in Australia, the country of source in
that particular case. As a result, Australia has no
chance to seize anything or require the payer to
make a tax payment. In effect, the Australian
Taxation Office expected the athletes to come forward
voluntarily to report their earnings and seek
help establishing their tax liability.
In theory, any country, including Australia, could
tax an athlete who was paid for competing on its soil.
However, in practice, it places an onerous compliance
burden on the athlete. In all probability, the
athletes can pay the tax. However, the people who
manage their money find it frustrating because of
the huge amount of paperwork involved. ‘‘It’s an
accounting nightmare,’’ says Leigh Steinberg, an
agent and tax attorney for prominent athletes.

I. Definition of Entertainer and Athlete


In evaluating the issues and problems associated
with a separate tax regime for nonresident athletes,
a tax scholar or analyst must first make a distinction
between athletes and entertainers. Although it
may appear that the terms ‘‘athlete’’ and ‘‘entertainer’’
are one and the same, there is a distinction
between the two categories. That distinction must
be understood before a complete analysis of the
feasibility of a separate tax regime for nonresident
athletes can be comprehensively examined. Although
it is important for tax administrators to
prevent tax collection from becoming unreasonably
burdensome and expensive for athletes, if nonresident
athletes are treated in the same manner as
other nonresident professionals providing personal
services, countries must be able to retain their share
of income earned by foreign athletes. Further, it is
questionable whether entertainers and athletes
should be treated differently for enforcement purposes
compared to other individuals who provide
highly mobile services, such as architects, engineers,
or contractors. To the extent that a special regime is
established just for entertainers and athletes, those
individuals are treated separately from other categories
of taxpayers.

It is questionable whether athletes
should be treated differently for
enforcement purposes than other
individuals who provide highly
mobile services.

It must be determined before any discussion of
the taxation of entertainers or athletes just who is
considered to be one. According to John J. Coneys
Jr., international tax partner, PricewaterhouseCoopers
LLP, and Meril L. Benjamin, international tax
manager, PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP, Los Angeles,
individuals are treated as ‘‘entertainers’’ or
‘‘athletes’’ if their activity constitutes a public performance.
They must be engaged in public entertainment
and must be a part of the actual performance,
not simply working behind the scenes, like a
producer, director, coach, or trainer. It has been
widely held that film actors, musicians, and newscasters
constitute entertainers. Consequently, the
term ‘‘athlete’’ was derived to encompass all sportsmen
in the broadest sense of the word. Furthermore,
a ‘‘sportsman’’ is ordinarily ‘‘considered to be
an individual who engages in some physical or
mental activity which is exercised as an end in itself,
usually in line with certain rules and in certain
forms of organization designed specifically for it.’’
No particular degree of professionalism is required.
However, the terms ‘‘entertainer’’ and ‘‘sportsman’’
have been used interchangeably in the 1992 OECD
model treaty and the U.S. model conventions. Those
both discuss the avoidance of international double
taxation on income and capital derived by nonresident
entertainers and athletes.

When evaluating the feasibility of a separate tax
regime for nonresident athletes, arriving at a fair
and reasonable approach is difficult. Both the tax
administrator’s and the athlete’s goals must be
balanced. The tax administrator’s goal is to receive a
fair share of income derived from services performed
by the athlete in the source country. The athlete, on
the other hand, wants to minimize the risk of double
taxation. That term has been used to refer to all
international and domestic provisions, specifically
in situations involving the territory of more than one
state, so-called cross-border situations. An approach
has evolved for addressing the concerns of
both the tax administrator and the athlete with the
creation of bilateral treaties making reference to a
provision dealing with issues of international taxation
affecting the athlete and the entertainer.